The Spectrum of Obsolescence as the Goal of Social Movements

Samar Fatima Ali (CFO, Rising Gaea)

#socialmovements, #socialchange, #decolonisation, #feministconsciousness, #behaviouralchange

One of the ways in which the success of social movements is conceptualised is in terms of the obsolescence or the ‘demise’ of the social movement. By this definition of success, the movement brought about the social change it sought thus rendering its own existence unnecessary. The notion of what a social movement’s goal ‘should’ be is a twofold analysis grounded not only in how success and failure are conceptualised but also in the relationship between a movement’s goals, strategies and outcomes. In this paper I will argue that the extent to which framing the goal of the movement as obsolescence is useful varies based on the nature, time-scale and scope of the movement itself. For social movements with smaller-scale and tangible goals based on achieving a particular policy change, political outcome or form of representation, obsolescence may serve as a helpful ultimate aim.

Furthermore, for both small and large scale social movements, obsolescence may serve as a form of utopian narrativising, which may act as a powerful form of mobilisation. That being said, for larger-scale movements with values based on changing deeply entrenched power dynamics and social norms, the ultimate goal of obsolescence may need to be broken down into more tangible, short-term goals. Moreover, there may be cases where prefiguration is preferred to having any goals or obsolescence may be seen as an aim that threatens the movement and its members’ ontological security. Ultimately, this leads to the creation of a spectrum to delineate the extent to which obsolescence serves as a useful goal for social movements. To prove this argument, I will begin by first illustrating how I will be conceptualising social movements and the notions of ‘success’ and ‘obsolescence’. I will then delve into the cases where obsolescence serves as a useful and productive goal for social movements, followed by an analysis of the instances when this is not the case, before concluding my paper.

Theoretical and Analytical Context: Defining Social Movements

In order to analyse whether a goal of a social movement should be its obsolescence it is important to first address what we define as a ‘social movement’ and how we define success and failure. For the purpose of this analysis, I will be utilising an interpretivist or constructivist approach alongside a collective identity approach to understanding social movements. Therefore, in terms of how social movements and their goals may be identified we see Touraine’s (1985) argument that the goal and vision of a social movement is forged through the collective struggle of its individual members. This arguably ties in with Melucci’s (1988) theory regarding the ‘construction’ and ‘production’ of a social movement’s collective identity i.e. the norms, values and goals it focuses on. Therefore, in terms of how social movements’ goals and their potential success or failure are defined, interpretivist scholars argue that these too are social constructs and vary depending on interpretation of the outcomes of the social movement (Melucci, 1988).

In other words, the success or failure of social movements is in the eye of the beholder and is largely analysed in retrospect. This hindsight however can allow for fruitful analysis that may inform the aims and outcomes of future social movements. In this respect we see Rochon and Mazmanian’s (1993) conceptualisation of full-scale success occurs when ‘legal and behavioural changes sought by the movements’ occur in the dimensions of ‘public policy, the policy process and social values’ (Rochon and Mazmanian, 1993, p.77). It is important to note that the notion of ‘policy process’ would also generally include representation in the policy process (Gamson, 1975). Furthermore, it is also important to note that the success of social movements cannot generally be identified as a singular event or shift, rather it success is a gradual ‘transformation process’ (Etzioni, 1964), of which obsolescence may therefore be seen as the ‘final’ goal or outcome but not necessarily what captures the full scope and breadth of success.

This definition of success arguably leads to the delineation between ‘small-scale’ and ‘large-scale’ social movements and how they will be defined for the purpose of this analysis. The core differences include firstly the scope of the movement and location of the movement. Whereas a small-scale social movement would be seeking social change on a local or national level, a ‘large-scale’ social movement may be seeking wider social change on a society-wide or global level. The next key difference is arguably the distinction in the level of social change being sought after. While a small-scale social movement may seek to bring about a specific policy change or change in forms of governance or representation such as in nationalist independence movements (Gopal, 2019), large-scale social movements would be those not only be concerned with policy change but with dismantling historically entrenched power structures such as racism, gender discrimination or sexuality-based discrimination, amongst others (della Porta and Diani, 2006).

When and why may obsolescence serve as a useful aim for social movements?

Having conceptualised both the success of social movements and the variation between the scope of aims for large versus small scale social movements, the question of when obsolescence serves as a useful aim for social movements may now be addressed. A key instance of when obsolescence arguably serves as the core goal of a small-scale social movement is in the case of nationalist movements fighting for independence from colonial rule. It is important to note that denoting a movement as ‘small-scale’ does not take away from the importance or magnitude of the movement’s aims. However, nationalist independence movements fit the criteria of a small-scale movement due to their highly specific and tangible aim of overthrowing colonial rule and establishing independence as well as the localised nature of their impact – an example of this is the Pakistan Independence Movement of 1940-47 (Bose, 2004). The notion of obsolescence is evident in the case of nationalist independence movements such as the Pakistan Movement as the crux of their goal, establishing an independent state, inadvertently refers to the demise of the movement itself. As noted by Whaites (1998), the manifesto to create the nation state of Pakistan as outlined in the Pakistan Resolution (1940) the strategy utilised was the notion of collective Muslim identity combined with the ultimate aim that Muslims living in British India would ultimately achieve an independent state where they could practice their religion freely – in other words obsolescence.

Therefore, this analysis illustrates how obsolescence as the aim of a social movement proved to be successful, as it reinforced the notion of collective identity which is a powerful tool for movement outcomes (Polletta and Jasper, 2001) and embodied the core aim of the movement. That being said, it is important to note that this analysis does not seek to claim that the goal of obsolescence was the sole or even necessarily the most important reason for the success of nationalist movements such as the Pakistan Independence Movement. As noted by Boudreau (2013) decolonisation movements and their outcomes are the culmination of a multitude of factors ranging from solidarity and connection of identities, political opportunities, exogenous political shifts and international factors. In the case of the independence of Pakistan, the end of World War II and the global shift towards decolonisation may be cited as a key exogenous shock that contributed to the success of the movement (White-Spunner, 2017). Therefore, in terms of the question as to how far obsolescence ‘should’ be the goal of a social movement, the case of nationalist independence movements serves as a case for when the goal of obsolescence may be logical and useful, as it reinforces notions of collective identity.

The next argument for why obsolescence may serve as a useful goal for social movements, stems from the notion of narratives and utopian visions as powerful tools for the success of social movements. Polletta (1998) explores the notion of ‘narratives’ or the stories told by activists and social movement leaders as a tool to engage participants, garner support and influence policy. In this respect Polletta (1998) largely focuses on storytelling of the past, i.e. narratives about struggle, loss or victory, pointing to the benefits of doing so in terms of recruitment and motivating ‘collective action’ (Polletta, 1998, p.420). However, in terms of analysing obsolescence as the goal of social movements, Polletta’s (1998) analysis may be extrapolated to the notion of narratives about the future instead. This ties in with Berenskoetter’s (2011) theory regarding the prerequisites of powerful visions that catalyse social change, which states that powerful narratives are based on visions for the future that conceive a ‘new horizon’ or utopia. Therefore, in terms of obsolescence as a goal for social movements and a foundation for narratives, it is evident how notions of the movement and the struggle being rendered unnecessary tie in with the vision of a utopian future. In other words, based on Polletta (1998) and Berenskoetter’s (2011) theories regarding narratives and visions, it is evident how a goal of obsolescence may serve as the basis of a narrative of a utopian future, which would in turn act as a powerful tool for capturing and sustaining participants loyalty to the movement.

Furthermore, this aspect of why obsolescence may serve as a useful goal is not limited to small-scale movements but rather may be a tactic used by large-scale movements as well. To provide examples, in terms of small-scale movements, attention may be reverted back to the Pakistan Movement. In this respect, we arguably see how the framing of the creation of Pakistan as the ideal future for Muslims in British India served as a utopian narrative. An example of this is words from a speech of Muhammad Ali Jinnah, the leader of the Pakistan Movement, where the future independent state is described as a place where Muslims ‘live in peace and harmony with our neighbours as a free and independent people’ (Jinnah, 1940). Moreover, a similar narrative of a utopian vision can arguably be identified in Martin Luther King’s (1963) “I Have a Dream Speech” which was a core aspect of the Civil Rights Movement in the United States (Moylan, 2006). This in terms of how the speech forged a vision of a future without racism, where ‘the heat of oppression will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice’ (King, 1963). As noted by Moylan (2006) describing a narrative as utopian does not mean claiming that it is unrealistic or idealistic, instead utopian narratives such as that offered by King (1963) are powerful tools of mobilisation that forge the ultimate aims of a social movement. And in doing so utopian narratives are inextricably linked to the goal of obsolescence as the utopian world being sought after would inherently not require the existence of the social movement, thus rendering it obsolete.

However, this point regarding the use of the goal of obsolescence in large-scale movements leads to the question of whether, for large-scale movements, such as those seeking to dismantle racism and gender or sexuality based discrimination, the goal of obsolescence and a utopian narrative is enough. The answer is arguably that it is not. While Martin Luther King’s speech was an incredibly significant aspect of the Civil Rights Movement it was one aspect of a host of strategies used not only by Martin Luther King himself but also other activists and the movement as a whole, ranging from ending segregation to voting rights (Morris, 1986). This notion of the importance of goals and strategies other than simply ultimate obsolescence will be explored in the next section.

When and why is the aim for obsolescence not enough or not relevant? (900)

In terms of cases where the aim for obsolescence may not be ‘enough’, we see the argument that the ‘ultimate’ goal for mass social change, must be complemented by short-term tangible goals and strategies alongside effective social movement organisation. In this respect we see Zald and Ash’s (1966) analysis of the relationship between social movement, goals, organisation and outcomes. In terms of the notion of obsolescence, they propose that social movements with ‘broad general goals’ which ‘aim to change individuals and employ solidary incentives’ are less likely to ‘vanish’ than social movements with ‘relatively specific goals’ and ‘purposive incentives’ (Zald and Ash, 1966, p.334). Hence, because these larger-scale social movements seeking wide social upheaval are less likely to vanish in the near future, their aims should incorporate short-term strategies and processual aims garnered towards ‘incremental success’ (della Porta and Diani, 2006, p.228).

An example of a large-scale social movement which employed, and arguably continues to employ this strategy, is the gay and lesbian rights movement - as seen in the analysis conducted by Bernstein (2003). In this respect Bernstein (2003) charts the strategy towards incremental success employed by the movement in the 1960s, which began initially with localised goals such as campaigning against ‘police entrapment and harassment of lesbians and gays by local law enforcement officials’ before moving onto fighting to remove sodomy laws from state statutes from the late 1970s to the mid 1980s (Bernstein, 2003, p. 362). Hence, this provides an example of how despite the core aim of the gay and lesbian movement too being to fight for a future where no one is discriminated against based on their sexuality, actual strategies and outcomes must be based on small-scale goals due to the processual nature of social change and thus the success of social movements.

To move ‘along the spectrum’ of the usefulness of obsolescence as a goal for social movements it is also important to note that according to certain scholars many social movements would benefit from having no goals at all and instead operating on the basis of prefiguration (Maeckelbergh, 2011). Prefiguration refers to the notion that the road towards social change is not linear or based on singular goals, it is rather fluid in terms of time, identity, ‘movement discussions, spaces, and practices’ (Maeckelbergh, 2011, p.2). Maeckelbergh (2011) argues that for the ‘afterglobalisation’ movement, which is based on dismantling and ‘replacing existing structures of global governance’ prefiguration is the best strategy. As it allows for ‘confrontation’ with existing structures and the development of new alternatives to occur in tandem (Maeckelbergh, 2011, p.16). Therefore, this perspective on social movement strategy and outcomes is arguably directly opposed to the notion of obsolescence as a key goal of social movements. As this approach challenges the very notion of working towards a particular future, but rather calls for an approach based on the overlapping nature of time, change and success. Hence, while obsolescence may serve as a useful goal for small-scale social movements, and to a certain extent for some large-scale social movements when complemented by strategies based on incremental success there are other large-scale movements such as the afterglobalisation movement where it may not be applicable.

Lastly, there may also be an argument for the notion that the goal of obsolescence may threaten the ontological security of the movement itself and its leaders and participants on a individual level. Ontological security is defined as ‘security of being’ (Giddens, 1991) or the stability of one’s sense of self (Kinnvall and Mizen, 2017). This is arguably because for some social movements and their participants being engaged in said movement provides a sense of belonging and may even act as an identity marker for members (Stryker et al, 2000). It is important to note however that this may not be the case for all members of a social movement but may be applicable to some. An example of this may be the conceptualisation of feminism by certain feminist leaders or activists based on the notion of a ‘feminist consciousness’ whereby belonging to the movement and fighting for women’s rights is not based on specific goal attainment but is a perpetual process (Bartky, 1975).

From this approach, therefore, there is no concept of obsolescence instead the movement would exist on a macro and micro level perpetually fighting against the patriarchy. To reiterate, this is not necessarily how the feminist movement must be conceptualised and it could too be utilised as an example for previous arguments where the examples of the Civil Rights and gay/lesbian rights movements were used. However, illustrates how social movement goals and outcomes are inherently based on interpretation. Therefore, in analysing the fruitfulness of obsolescence as goal for social movements the notion of a spectrum of usefulness is highly effective as it captures the variation and complexity not only in how social movement success is attained but also how movements can shift along the spectrum depending on the interpretation and perspective of the analyst.

The Spectrum of Obsolescence as the Goal of Social Movements

To conclude, in terms of analysing the extent to which the goal of a social movement ‘should’ be obsolescence this analysis seeks to illustrate a spectrum along which the usefulness of obsolescence as a goal can be illustrated. In terms of cases where obsolescence serves as a goal linked to success, we see that this is more likely in small-scale social movements such as nationalist independence movements, as the success of the movement is inherently tied to it being rendered obsolete. Furthermore, a key aspect as to why obsolescence may serve as a useful goal for both small and large scale social movements is because it is inextricably linked to utopian narratives, which serve as powerful tools for recruitment and mobilisation in social movements. However, for large-scale social movements this alone is not enough and must be complemented by short-term strategies linked to tangible outcomes. Lastly, we see instances where obsolescence may not be a viable goal as the movement may benefit from a prefiguration approach instead or there may be cases where the notion of obsolescence may threaten the ontological security of the movement and its leaders/participants. Ultimately this spectrum allows for an analysis of the usefulness of obsolescence as a goal for social movements while taking into account the interpretive nature of social movement goals and outcomes.

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